• CPS Chicago Public School special education plagued with troubles 3 years after state ordered reforms
    Special Education

    CPS Chicago Public School special education plagued with troubles 3 years after state ordered reforms

    Three years after state officials ordered special education reforms, the Chicago Public Schools are still rife with trouble, from thousands of families not receiving legally mandated services to dozens of employees resigning as leadership faces toxic workplace allegations.

    Families and advocates have long complained that inadequate policies and ineffective management have led to poor educational experiences for the school system’s disabled children, and many aren’t buying that a teachers’ strike or the pandemic are solely to blame for the latest overdue fixes.

    Former CPS CEO Janice Jackson, who left her position at the end of June, took over in 2018, around the time the district faced unprecedented demands to correct years of illegal treatment of special education families. Righting those wrongs was one of Jackson’s primary tasks, and on her way out three years later she said not doing so was one of her biggest regrets.

    As the nation’s third-largest public school district searches for new leadership and enters the next phase of pandemic education, advocates are as angry as ever and looking for systemic changes.

    “What’s most sad to me about it is that nothing has changed,” said Terri Smith-Roback, a South Side-based special education parent advocate.

    Just 2% of students given remedies

    A lengthy state investigation concluded in 2018 that for two years CPS had illegally refused vital services to thousands of kids — special education aides, transportation, summer school and therapy — that can make or break a disabled child’s educational experience.

    That systemic denial of services came as then-CEO Forest Claypool, with the help of outside consultants, cut the special education budget to help overcome the district’s financial deficit at the time, a WBEZ investigation found.

    State officials ordered the district to course correct by setting aside $10 million to help those families recover, and installed a monitor to oversee the special education department.

    Officials found 10,515 students were harmed and would be notified that they were automatically eligible for remedies, which could include reimbursement for prior transportation or private services, or free access to new therapy.

    In the three years since, only 214 of those students who were wrongly stripped of or denied services — about 2% — have received any compensatory assistance as of early July, according to records obtained by WBEZ and the Chicago Sun-Times. And district officials refuse to say how much money they have spent on the program.

    As time has passed, at least 2,900 of those 10,515 kids are no longer at the district and are harder to find, CPS data shows, including more than 1,000 who have graduated, another 1,000 who have transferred to other districts or private schools, 30 who have died and others who have aged out, moved to home schooling, been committed to institutions or the district has lost track of them.

    On top of those who were due automatic relief, another 1,500 children were identified as having potentially been harmed, CPS records show. The district planned to tell those families they could set up a meeting to make their case that they had been illegally denied services. As of July, only 16 of those students have received compensatory help and 360 have been deemed ineligible because they couldn’t prove their case.

    Some advocates have gone as far as accusing CPS leadership of not wanting the compensatory program to succeed.

    “They never admitted they did anything wrong,” said Mary Hughes, a special education advocate who works with the parent group Raise Your Hand. “And if they don’t give this money that was set aside to these kids, they can use it for something else like more administrative staff to just keep this bureaucracy rolling.”

    Teacher Natasha Carlsen, a member of the Chicago Teachers Union’s special education committee, said she thinks the problems go beyond money. If the district makes it difficult for families to receive those make-up services and, as a result, few remedies are provided, officials can use that as proof that CPS didn’t really hurt many children, she alleged.

    Smith-Roback, who’s a member of the advocate group that state officials mandated CPS to meet with monthly on this issue, said the problems with the compensatory process are “parallel to the reason why they’re in this mess in the first place.

    “It’s a delay and deny strategy,” she said. “And the whole reason that they’re in this mess is because they instituted policies … that unnecessarily led to delays and denials in services. They’re doing the exact same thing.”

    Advocates celebrated when the school district agreed to automatically provide extra help for some students without their parents having to prove in a meeting that they deserved make-up support. That was particularly important since most of the harmed students came from low-income families whose parents often have trouble navigating the complicated processes in the special education world, and they would have access to services they otherwise couldn’t afford — private tutoring, camps and expensive therapies.

    Yet even that program has been difficult to access, families have said. The letters and voicemail messages sent to parents informing them that they are due a remedy are vague and hard to understand, and advocates suspect the district is closing cases when parents don’t respond.

    “I think that their approach is, we need to keep this as tight and difficult to access as possible and they have done exactly that,” said Christine Palmieri, who became an advocate after her autistic son was denied an aide in the 2017 school year.

    CPS officials did not respond to multiple requests for comment from the Sun-Times and WBEZ.

    Stephanie Jones, head of the CPS Office of Diverse Learner Supports and Services

    Parents, CPS workers rip special education leadership

    The district has blamed the remote nature of work during the pandemic for not being able to meet with families who were denied services and determine the best remedies for their needs.

    Setting up phone calls and meetings during the pandemic was difficult in some cases, with a significant and documented lack of access to technology and internet for thousands of CPS families. What’s more, in-person meetings were also challenging if not impossible in some cases, as parents struggled with maintaining their children’s education while keeping medically vulnerable kids safe.

    But with about 60 employees in CPS’ special education department quitting over the past two years, there are concerns that an unwelcoming work environment has at least played a role in thwarting the rollout — and the district’s current ability to serve special education students.

    In late July, a committee of parent advocates wrote a letter to top district leaders calling for the immediate removal or resignation of Stephanie Jones, CPS’ special education chief.

    The group pointed to the mass departures of department staff, poor communication and collaboration with families and, critically, the snails-pace rollout of corrective services.

    “The impact of the turnover and vacancies in these positions is insurmountable, and has been felt all the way down to the local school [level],” the letter read.

    The same week, about 120 school psychologists, social workers and language therapists signed another letter to CPS officials detailing “grave concerns regarding the current leadership” of the district’s special education office, citing “spiteful, obstructive and incompetent behaviors.”

    Among the problems listed were intentionally poor retention of skilled workers despite staffing shortages, delays in receiving necessary work materials to evaluate students and a toxic environment in the central office contributing to lower-level managers and employees quitting. Those all were affecting clinicians’ abilities to support students, they said.

    “The loss of these highly-skilled, compassionate professionals negates progress that has been made in recent years, leaves our schools and students without critical supports and services, and makes the district increasingly likely to face” formal complaints, the letter read.

    The letter cited a May article on The Triibe website about a similar complaint against Jones.

    That same month, a department staffer who had recently resigned filed a complaint with district officials laying out a claim of “harassment and retaliation” and explained they were “unable to function at work due to it,” the employee told the Sun-Times in an interview. They described being berated by Jones and given the cold shoulder after pushing back in a conversation.

    Smith-Roback said the staff turnover in the department has resulted in new employees not fully grasping the breadth of the problems or the urgency in addressing them.

    “They don’t have their head around it,” she said. “We’re dealing with a whole group of people who are not well-educated about what actually happened.”

    Jones did not respond to a request for comment. But CPS defended her to the Triibe, saying in a statement “Jones has the highest integrity and is performing her duties with a steadfast commitment to serving CPS families and students with special needs.”

    Celeste O’Connor said it was a lot of work to get a remedy after CPS failed to provide proper services for her daughter, Chloe.
    Anthony Vazquez/Sun-Times

    Mom ‘tired’ of fighting for services

    Some 86% of the students who automatically qualified for a remedy went to schools with mostly low-income Black or Latino students. The school district has refused to provide information showing which students have gotten remedies.

    Celeste O’Connor, whose daughter has a developmental disability, said her experience shows how onerous the process is and how it advantages middle class families like hers.

    Her daughter’s individualized education plan — a legal document for students with disabilities that describes the services they’re entitled to — called for a special education teacher and a one-on-one aide in the 2016-2017 school year to help her stay on task and complete assignments.

    But her daughter’s school was not given enough money for special education aides or teachers, a common problem at schools districtwide. So her daughter had to share an aide with three other students and was with a special education teacher six hours a week less than she was supposed to be.

    “She was kind of thrown into the general education curriculum, without anyone to really walk her through what she needed or give her the support that she needed,” O’Connor said. “She got pulled out of the classroom a lot because there was no one there to give her support.”

    Her daughter’s school, Alcott Elementary School in Lincoln Park on the North Side, appealed twice before they finally got approval for more staff. But by then, O’Connor said, months had gone by with her daughter being shortchanged.

    In reviewing her case, CPS determined that she was not automatically eligible for extra help and would need to meet with district officials. At the first meeting, district representatives argued her daughter shouldn’t receive compensatory services because they didn’t have proof that she didn’t have a dedicated teacher. Eventually, she was able to show that her daughter went months without a dedicated aide or enough time with a special education teacher, and the district agreed she was due a remedy.

    CPS offered a list of programs that they were willing to pay for, but it was during the pandemic and they were all online. Instead, O’Connor did something she and advocates note is a benefit particular to privileged families: She had receipts for a literacy camp that her daughter attended when she wasn’t receiving the proper care at school, and O’Connor was able to get reimbursed for it.

    O’Connor said it was a lot of work to get the remedy, but she felt she had to pursue it because she worked with other advocates to make it happen. “I am tired,” she said. “My daughter has 13 specialists, she just had spinal surgery in February, I am trying to work and help other families.”

    She said she imagines other parents don’t have the bandwidth to go through all she went through.

    State Rep. Fred Crespo (D-Streamwood)
    Sun-Times Media

    Lawmaker: State needs to again hold district accountable

    State Rep. Fred Crespo (D-Streamwood) sponsored the legislation that forced CPS to provide families compensatory services. Asked this week about the lack of progress in the program, he said the Illinois State Board of Education needs to hold the district accountable.

    CPS officials have told lawmakers that the process of getting the compensation to families was delayed by the 2019 teachers strike and the pandemic, he said.

    “The question is: Do I buy it? I am not sure. I am not sure if they are using this as a cover to not really address the real issues,” he said.

    Crespo said what really disturbs him is that most of the students who were harmed are Black and Latino, widening existing achievement gaps.

    “Unfortunately, this impacts real life, real students. It’s not like building widgets where I can wait a year or two. Every day matters in the education and the care of these kids.”

    Kalaveeta Mitchell, the mother of two special education students, received a letter in February 2020 saying one of her two autistic children deserved a remedy, though it did not say which one. From her perspective, both of them suffered during the illegal overhaul of special education.

    Kalaveeta Mitchell has two special education students at CPS.

    She recalled angrily walking out of a meeting after district representatives said her son would lose speech and social work services, and he then stagnated for two years without any academic growth. Her daughter also experienced behavioral problems during that time.

    But since that letter a year and a half ago, nobody at CPS has followed up about a remedy, Mitchell said.

    “It was just insane. I never heard anything else after that, like, no meetings, no calls or anything like that. So it’s just in the wind,” she said.

    Mitchell accused the district of dragging its feet until her children age out of the district and are harder to reach. Her son is in his junior year of high school.

    “The biggest issue that we have in CPS, we have a lot of parents who are uninformed. And then for the group of us who are informed, it is always the pushback,” she said. “And it’s hard, because most of us are struggling to care for our children and pay for the things that they need.”

    Sarah Karp covers education for WBEZ. Nader Issa is the education reporter for the Sun-Times.

  • China’s nanny state: why Xi is cracking down on gaming and private tutors
    Personal Tutoring

    China’s nanny state: why Xi is cracking down on gaming and private tutors

    The additional lessons Wang Gang bought to help his only child prepare for China’s rigorous university exam, or gaokao, were not cheap. In addition to group courses from a private education company, he also paid Rmb6,000 ($927) for his daughter to take one-on-one maths and physics sessions with a retired teacher over the month-long winter school break.

    “We are just an ordinary family but we cannot have any regrets when it comes to our daughter’s education,” says Wang, who lives in Baoding, an industrial centre in central Hebei province. “Every point counts in the gaokao. It’s just too important. It will basically decide her life and career.”

    Late last month, however, the Chinese government declared that parents like Wang were piling too much work on their children. In a shock decree that rocked the country’s stock markets and the share prices of Chinese education companies listed in New York, President Xi Jinping’s administration announced strict new curbs on tutoring companies that drastically reshape an industry worth more than $100bn a year in sales.

    The tutoring business in numbers


    Percentage of all educational expenses that is spent on tutoring by families in rural areas, according to a 2017 Peking University study


    Percentage of all educational expenses that is spent on tutors in China’s first-tier cities, according to the same study


    Average annual growth of the private tutoring market in 2017-19, reaching a total of Rmb800bn in sales

    This week it appeared that Xi’s nanny state was targeting another lucrative industry — video gaming, which China’s president has previously criticised for increasing “the incidence of myopia among students”.

    On Tuesday a state newspaper published a commentary that criticised online video games as “spiritual opium”. The term is a particularly loaded one for the Chinese Communist party, whose history emphasises the “century of humiliation” that began with China’s defeat by the British empire in the first Opium war of 1839-42 and ended with the party’s revolutionary victory in 1949. Even in the absence of any new regulations like those targeting education companies a week earlier, shares in Tencent, China’s largest online gaming provider, fell almost 11 per cent.

    The tutoring and video game controversies provide a window on to the mounting stresses and strains of middle-class life in China’s big cities. To outsiders, the world’s second-largest economy can often seem relentless, immune to even the worst pandemic in a century and notching persistently large increases in consumer spending as prosperity spreads rapidly across society.

    But for many residents of its larger cities, their lives have become riddled with anxieties that belie the broader sense of progress — from seemingly unattainable home prices to the hothouse pressure of securing the best education for their children and coveted places at leading universities.

    At stake in Xi Jinping’s crackdown, the president appears to believe, is the party’s ability to maintain unchallenged political control, which ultimately depends on its capacity to meet what the has termed ‘the people’s demand for a happier life’
    At stake in Xi Jinping’s crackdown, the president appears to believe, is the party’s ability to maintain unchallenged political control, which ultimately depends on its capacity to meet what the has termed ‘the people’s demand for a happier life’ © Naohiko Hatta/Getty Images

    And in the background there is the fear that nags at almost every ambitious parent — the possibility that their kids will grow tired of the race and seek refuge in the world of video games and the internet, which Xi has railed against for harbouring so many “dirty things”. 

    Rattled by parental angst, the party’s response has been to adopt the tactics of a nanny state, potentially reversing elements of the compact it has established with urban residents over the past four decades to steadily reduce its interference in their private lives.

    “It is parents’ anxiety that is driving the proliferation of after-school tutoring,” says Christina Zhu, an economist at Moody’s Analytics in Singapore. “That anxiety stems from uneven school quality, intense competition and possibly even a lack of confidence in the social security system.”

    At stake, Xi appears to believe, is the party’s ability to maintain unchallenged political control, which ultimately depends on its capacity to meet what the president has termed “the people’s demand for a happier life”.

    The property squeeze in numbers

    Apartment blocks in Shenzhen


    Average annual home price to income ratio in Beijing. In the tech hub of Shenzhen it is 40; in Shanghai it is 26


    Percentage of salary that new graduates are paying in rent, according to China’s largest housing agency


    Average annual increase in price of new homes in China’s 70 biggest cities in June. In May it was 0.5%

    In 2011, when he was still vice-president, Xi told his then US counterpart, Joe Biden, that the Arab spring that was rolling across north Africa and the Middle East had erupted because governments had lost touch with their people, according to two American diplomats familiar with the exchange.

    At the 18th party congress in November 2012 that marked the beginning of his first term in power, Xi acknowledged the people’s aspirations for “better education, more stable jobs, higher incomes, more reliable social security and higher standard healthcare, more comfortable living conditions and a cleaner environment”.

    Xi and the party have now demonstrated that in order to deliver, they are willing to upend entire industries and intrude into deeply personal aspects of people’s lives, such as how to educate and raise their children. Shortly after Xi criticised video games in 2018 for harming kids’ eyesight, the education ministry recommended that children should have no more than one hour of non-educational screen time each day.

    “Xi has made it clear that he intends every policy area to be subject to the leadership of the party,” says Steve Tsang, director of the Soas China Institute in London.

    Students leave a private after-school class in Beijing. Private tutoring is a $100bn-a-year industry in China
    Students leave a private after-school class in Beijing. Private tutoring is a $100bn-a-year industry in China © Noel Celis/AFP via Getty Images

    ‘A stubborn disease’

    Over recent weeks, Xi’s administration has demonstrated that it is not too concerned about the collateral damage investors may suffer as the party extends its reach into new areas. “Beijing will not hesitate to completely overhaul an entire business environment if it deems it politically necessary,” says Chen Long at Plenum, a Beijing-based consultancy. “All sectors related to providing public goods traditionally viewed as not-for-profit will face greater risks.”

    Xi had foreshadowed the move against China’s booming tutoring industry in March when he told a group of educators that the sector was “a stubborn disease that is difficult to manage”. “Parents want their children to be physically and mentally healthy and have happy childhoods,” the president added. “On the other hand, they are afraid their children will lose before they even reach the starting line . . . This problem must be solved. Education should not be too focused on scores.”

    Ironically, says Zhu at Moody’s, some of the biggest economic victims of Xi’s crackdown on education will be recent university graduates, whose average monthly salary last year was just Rmb5,290, according to Zhilian Zhaopin, a Chinese online hiring platform. “The private tutoring sector provides millions of jobs,” she says. “The entire education sector accounted for 17 per cent of employment for recent graduates in 2020, the highest among all industries.”

    For most recent graduates, buying a flat in China’s most desirable cities is out of the question. According to EJ Real Estate, a property research institute, last year the average annual home price to income ratio was 40 in Shenzhen, the high-tech hub bordering Hong Kong, 26 in Shanghai and 24 in Beijing. Cities with ratios of 10 or lower are generally experiencing population outflows and offer little in the way of attractive employment opportunities.

    People play computer games at an internet café in Fuyang. President Xi Jinping is targeting the video gaming industry, which he has criticised for increasing ‘the incidence of myopia among students’
    People play computer games at an internet café in Fuyang. President Xi Jinping is targeting the video gaming industry, which he has criticised for increasing ‘the incidence of myopia among students’ © Lu Qijian/VCG/Getty Images

    Lianjia Beike, a housing agency, estimates that new graduates now spend more than 40 per cent of their income on rent.

    In addition to worrying that some children are doing too much as they prepare for the looming pressures of Chinese urban life, officials and parents also fret about an entirely different phenomenon whereby young people react to mounting social stresses by choosing to tang ping — or lie flat — and withdraw from the world.

    Another concept that has caught on this year in China is “involution”, an anthropological term used to describe a process by which some societies fail to realise their maximum economic potential. In Chinese the term is translated as nei juan, meaning to curl or turn inwards.

    Che Rui, a Beijing parent, signed his daughter up for supplemental Chinese, maths and English classes offered by some of the country’s largest tutoring companies a few years ago, as she moved from kindergarten to elementary school. He welcomes the government’s crackdown on the sector — but also worries about how to keep his daughter active and motivated outside school.

    “The tutoring companies were deliberately creating anxiety,” says Che, who noted that education providers were continuing to bombard him with sales messages even after the government’s broadside against the industry last month. “All discounts and benefits will expire at midnight,” one sales agent warned him over WeChat, the messaging app, if he didn’t rush to sign his daughter up for additional course offerings. “I hope you don’t regret it.”

    Pedestrians walk past apartment buildings in Beijing. Private tutoring is a large employer of recent graduates, who are estimated to spend more than 40% of their income on rent and for whom buying a flat in China’s most desirable cities is out of the question
    Pedestrians walk past apartment buildings in Beijing. Private tutoring is a large employer of recent graduates, who are estimated to spend more than 40% of their income on rent and for whom buying a flat in China’s most desirable cities is out of the question © Qilai Shen/Bloomberg

    Che says he is considering signing up his daughter for swimming, music and other recreational lessons, which are still officially encouraged by the government. “I don’t want her to turn inward,” he adds.

    University anxiety

    Many analysts and parents, however, believe that Xi is addressing the symptoms rather than the disease — the gaokao system itself.

    Wang, the father who arranged winter-break cram sessions for his teenage daughter in Baoding, says that “even if there had been a ban, I would still have gone around it by hiring a private tutor”. The Rmb6,000 he spent on a private tutor during that brief period is equivalent to about 40 per cent of his household’s monthly income, and almost one-quarter of the city’s average annual per capita disposable income of Rmb25,200.

    “If you don’t let your child study on holidays, other parents with more resources will and your child will be left behind. Imposing a simple solution on a complex problem doesn’t work,” he adds. “It just shuts the door for ordinary families.”

    Another much wealthier Chinese father, who has two teenage children and asked not to be named, says “some parents may cheer the crackdown, but the problem lies with the gaokao and the university entrance system”.

    “The anxiety is not going away because it’s not like you’re not in the race any more,” says the father, who went to university in the US and is also educating his children outside China. “Are you rich enough and have connections to do one-on-one tutoring? Online education was the starting point for average people. Their anxiety will come back very soon unless the government completely reforms the education system.

    “Look at South Korea, Japan and Taiwan,” he adds. “When is tutoring ever going to go away in Asian cultures?”

    Additional reporting by Xinning Liu, Xueqiao Wang and Edward White